Paul Bremer has an excellent piece on why we did what we did under the CPA in Iraq. You’ll be surprised that you didn’t read this much earlier in the debate. Here are some snips. Follow the link to read the entire piece.
Once conventional wisdom congeals, even facts can’t shake it loose. These days, everyone “knows” that the Coalition Provisional Authority made two disastrous decisions at the beginning of the U.S. occupation of Iraq: to vengefully drive members of the Baath Party from public life and to recklessly disband the Iraqi army. The most recent example is former CIA chief George J. Tenet, whose new memoir pillories me for those decisions (even though I don’t recall his ever objecting to either call during our numerous conversations in my 14 months leading the CPA). Similar charges are unquestioningly repeated in books and articles. Looking for a neat, simple explanation for our current problems in Iraq, pundits argue that these two steps alienated the formerly ruling Sunnis, created a pool of angry rebels-in-waiting and sparked the insurgency that’s raging today. The conventional wisdom is as firm here as it gets. It’s also dead wrong.
Our critics (usually people who have never visited Iraq) often allege that the de-Baathification decision left Iraqi ministries without effective leadership. Not so. Virtually all the old Baathist ministers had fled before the decree was issued. But we were generally impressed with the senior civil servants left running the ministries, who in turn were delighted to be free of the party hacks who had long overseen them. The net result: We stripped away the tyrant’s ardent backers but gave responsible Sunnis a chance to join in building a new Iraq.
The decree was not only judicious but also popular. Four days after I issued it, Hamid Bayati, a leading Shiite politician, told us that the Shiites were “jubilant” because they had feared that the United States planned to leave unrepentant Baathists in senior government and security positions — what he called “Saddamism without Saddam.” Opinion polls during the occupation period repeatedly showed that an overwhelming majority of Iraqis, including many Sunnis, supported de-Baathification.
We then turned over the implementation of this carefully focused policy to Iraq’s politicians. I was wrong here. The Iraqi leaders, many of them resentful of the old Sunni regime, broadened the decree’s impact far beyond our original design. That led to such unintended results as the firing of several thousand teachers for being Baath Party members. We eventually fixed those excesses, but I should have made implementation the job of a judicial body, not a political one.
The war’s critics have also comprehensively misunderstood the “disbanding” of Hussein’s army, arguing that we kicked away a vital pillar that kept the country stable and created a pool of unemployed, angry men ripe for rebellion. But this fails to reckon with the true nature of Hussein’s killing machine and the situation on the ground.
It’s somewhat surprising at this late date to have to remind people of the old army’s reign of terror. In the 1980s, it waged a genocidal war against Iraq’s minority Kurds, killing hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians and more than 5,000 people in a notorious chemical-weapons attack on the Kurdish town of Halabja. After the 1991 Persian Gulf War, Iraq’s majority Shiites rose up against Hussein, whose army machine-gunned hundreds of thousands of men, women and children and threw their corpses into mass graves. It’s no wonder that Shiites and Kurds, who together make up more than 80 percent of Iraq’s population, hated Hussein’s military.
Moreover, any thought of using the old army was undercut by conditions on the ground. Before the 2003 war, the army had consisted of about 315,000 miserable draftees, almost all Shiite, serving under a largely Sunni officer corps of about 80,000. The Shiite conscripts were regularly brutalized and abused by their Sunni officers. When the draftees saw which way the war was going, they deserted and, like their officers, went back home. But before the soldiers left, they looted the army’s bases right down to the foundations.
So by the time I arrived in Iraq, there was no Iraqi army to disband. Some in the U.S. military and the CIA’s Baghdad station suggested that we try to recall Hussein’s army. We refused, for overwhelming practical, political and military reasons.
